Archive for April 2007
Jobor haroupar yarihan,amar gang e emtaga sou sumarar kaje matribhasat (bisnhnupriya manipuri thar) sikkha nenar bebostha ahan oil.Gangor uthsahi gaurapa kotogoi madhabpuror dekhadekhi school ego chalu korla.Karigori sohojugita ditara SIL BANGLADESH.
Udbudhoni onusthan ohat youonir souvagya isil morta.Sil etto dugo ahisila.Leirik uta chang subidha naileu nuwa jinis ahan dekluta je leirik uta habi ikorousita amar manure diya.
imar tharor byapok chorcha baro bikoshor ka esade uddug habirang thakat peitoi.Summer Institute of Lingusitic Bangladesh (SIL) bultara songstha ohar arthik baro karigori panglake e schoolgor shukkhadan karjyakrom oudinetto okorla. 2 March 2007 tarike iya gelga onusthan uhanat prodhan otithir asonhan gnalkorisili SIL Bangladeshor prosasonik kormokorta Sri Sarah Selin baro besesh otithigo oya ahisil Sri Manna Mondol. Onusthane artau nanan pesar manu tilosila. Lomanir patape baro Sri Suniti Sinhai ela hunuilo. Thangnat Schoolgor sou otai ela, nacha, abriti poribeson koriya habire harou korla. SIL or lerik uta cheilu,changuhan jut nase. yari / kobita uta kacha baro oporisilito mone il.
Epei arak dukhho ahante thyle, sou sumarar upojugi kioriya sahitya likhanir moto protibha amarta akgou kita asita?
Boron Dahanir Ela (Rain Invoking Songs, বরন ডাহানির এলা) is the most renowned ancient folk song in Bishnbupriya Manipuri, which has been handed down through oral tradition. This song was composed at a time, when the story of the epic became very popular. The song is addreesed to Soralel, the king of Gods.It is believed that this song is endowed with the power of calling-forth rain. Accordingly, in times of dearth, this song is sung at night in chorus by males and females with a view to calling forth rain.
These songs are composed in Medieval Bishnupriya Manipuri Language, 1450 A.D.
Soralelelete rajaro leipak kumou koilo
liepake marai makhonge khoimure jangal dilo
khumolor mati hukeilo boron diyade douraja
lukong mahei lukulil boron diyade douraja
English Rendering: O Saralel, the King of the gods, the land of the Khumals has become sandy because of dearth. Khaimu is making a dam with grass and other things. O King of the gods, the land of the Khumals has dried up i pray, send us rain.
Horio ramo leimelte kunggoi pit kore
leimel mana nungsipa donlo loya benur ate dilo
rabonor puto birbau birbare bukor dhian koilo
bukor dhian korernai losmone phulor leirang dilo
leikeiro kalaro dahiau dei kadiau kheinaro
English Rendering: O Rama, who will eat and drink in this sorrowfully condition ? I have given an offering of all my joys and, sorrows together with wealth to Benu (Pahampa), just as, Birabao, the son of Rabal(Ravana) Practised penance ( as a result of which ) lasman favoured him with flowers. O Kala, living in the neighbourhood, please call other and offer, please weep together and eat.
Tampharo aparo horeigo dole dumeye yeichil koilo
hilong lalong e hilro sora gongai laloiliye
najeiga ghate buliyaho karong leimai doriya thameilo
habi dou e huno moirang pachai nahunoka nungsiye hoyo
monjar khanir tolete sirio ramo gurure lekhat doilo
English Rendering: O Father Tamphi, Dumei has consulted astrology (and has visualised that) Gahga is rushing down through mountain tribulets, but Karanga, the daughter of Pahangpa, bars the on-rush. May all the gods realise our condition, but Moirang-shouId not hear about it.
Antara giriro jilok yeimapire antara
tampake huna peitega leilenge huna chaore
leitenge hirire mengko koilo
jomjomade jeiriga doner koirengore
English Rendering: Astrologers say that the rainlessness has been caused by Pahangpa, who is angry because of the insult shown to Chamel by the King. They advise the people to bring Chamei and Beti back to the kingdom. The second daughter of Giri (Beti) is being brought. When she reaches the vast field. she is welcome with various auspicious things and, consequently, she proceeds gorgeously like the God of Wealth (Kuvera).
Phijapina langjapi madoi wang khele
madoi wang khele ho hunar langchak beror jalat thoile
ailide bela eilinai, denu moire bela beilonai
hoibanar matao nuarlo, chinchi nanchak diao nueilo
English Rendering: O Midai, a woman, has suspended her weaving and speaks of Beti. Bela comes and speaks ill of Denu.
Chomeio beti thokurare
kohonilo dore dibangta jonom aro
kala kala angara dola dola lengoulo hoyo
donete chari chilalo Pahangpai bario nadilo
English Rendering: Chamei is hesitating to come. The women are ,abusing him, and the angry old persons tell them to welcome him with coal and sand, instead of incense. It is his good luck,, they say, that though he is very poor, Pahangpa has not punished him.
Choha jura bado senarei pidia naso
Choha jura dabo ho Moirang e leirir tole homeil
Hiliri bilor pohon chakauda kene alojarga
borbilor dola touthara nalade lusu boheila
English Rendering: Rain is coming gradually. Pahangpa is also glad and is coming over the big lake(Loktak). Women are glad and are proposing to dance with their hair locked and with flowers in their ears.
Nalade lusu boheila, garbage solut doreila
kala chingkheir borone kmne tala nanluga
udai dilo tingla tala pahuri gore beli ailu
batiye ali karere maje khongneme
muthi muka cheiluta sena changninge
kochur pata na bader liksaro sena moichamre
Pahangpai bokor henou maglo
bokor henou karirina, Pahangpai chone hodabello
Deinai dilo donukhan chirtei nachirer
uthanro agar bekurinai dorteo nadorer
English Rendering: Rain is falling cats and dogs, and persons are catching fiihes from the canals with various instruments. Persons are out to catch fish before dawn. They have forgotten to ,bring umbrellas offered by their friends. Some are tying the rice-plants. into bundles, in which silvery water-drops are seen. The leaves of arum cannot bold the rain-water. The people cannot return home owing to heavy rain. They are anxious to return home and pay offerings of mango demanded by Pahangpa, but the rain does not stop.
Summury of the Rain Invoking Song
A Khumal King was defeated by a Moirang King, several times. Once more, he wanted to try his fortune and proposed in his ministerial council to attack the Moirang kingdom. His younger brother Cha mei objected to this, where for the enraged King insulted him and ousted him from the meeting hall. Chamei, thus insul ted ,left kingdom alone. Seeing him thus leaving, a maid-servant (beti) followed him with a few clothes for him. When the prince noticed her, he asked her to go back. But as they, were by then far from human habitation, it was not possible for her to go back. The prince, followed by the maid-servant,, reached the Kabru hill where he was cordially received by the Kukis. After a span of time, Chamei had an issue through, the maid-servant. Gradually, three years passed away. During this period, there was no rain in the Khumal kingdom, as a result of which a severe famine came upon the land.
SOURCE AND REFERENCE :
DR. K.P SINHA, THE BISHNUPRIYA MANIPURIS, CALCUTTA, 1984
Madoi Soralelor Ela’s (Madoi Soralel Songs, মাদই সরাহালর এলা) are the ancient folk songs composed in Medieval Bishnupriya Manipuri Language, in between the period 1650 A.D. -1700 A.D. These are one of the most renowned ancient folk song in Bishnupriya Manipuri, which has been handed down through oral tradition. This song was composed during the last part of Chorai Rongba’s reign, i.e., during the first part of the eighteenth century, when the Vaishnavism of Sri Caitanya entered into the society, as a result of which a cultural conflict arose therein.
This song has a clear reference to drinking and eating of meat – custom which goes back to a period anterior to the conversion of these people to the school of Lord Sri Chaitanya. This song, therefore, points to a period when Vaishnavism or Sri Chaitanya or any other sect of Vaishnavism had not struck its roots into the hearts of the people.
Madoi gidei saloili, boksabadiya saloili,
koiou durei oilita
tengara sinchat laloili, babaro matiou na deklo,
kotou durei oilita
pampol tingdiya kadiri, ima bulia dahiri,
kotou durei oilita
(Madai, a maiden of the Alakga family has been given in marriage to Saralel, the king of the gods.) She starts for Soralel’s place. She stretches her hands, cries loudly, crosses over hills and dales and goes far away. (Thus, she goes above in heaven.)
Hunorta raja hunorta, hunorta raja hunorta
babro gorgo pureko, jeikga raja jeikga
najeiga madoi najeiga, tor babaro gorgo napurer
jeinga raja jeinga, hunarkeirak lama diyade
babaro gorgo purerko, jeinga raja jeinga
najeiga madoi najeiga, tor babro gorenajeiga
tor babro gore gelega huror pohu kheiteiga
huror pohu kheiteiga, modro sorap piteiga
modro sorap napitou, huror pohu naheitoi
hunar keirak lamade, jeingaraja jeinga
korifaba kheya jaga, hunarkeirak amadilu
tor bar gore gelega digali pirak naboheiga
modro sorap napisga, huror pohu naheisga
(One day, Madai hears a loud noise coming from below and, looking downwards, finds that a mass of smoke is rising from her father’s house.) She tells the king that her father’s house is in flames and requests him to allow her to go to her father’s house. Saralel first tells her that her father’s house is not on fire. When Madai expresses her strong desire to go, he says that he, apprehends she may take meat and wine if she goes to her father’s house.
Madai promises that she will not take meat and wine there. Then Saralel proposes that Madai should keep Kari Phaba, her son, with him and go to her father’s house alone. Madai accepts the proposal. Saralel warns her not to sit on long couches. He then stretches downwards a golden ladder.
Madoi gidei keirak lamaniye
dakou kurung bareitara, belao kekruk rhoeitara
madoi gidei keirak lamaniye
ningolo jethi ahili, digali piranikalei
naboitou baba naboitou, digali pirat naboitou
rajaro mana napeilu, naboitou baba naboitou
ningolo jethi ahili, modlo sorap nikalei
modro sorap nikalei, huror pohu radhedei
huror pohu neheitou, modro sorap napitou
modro sorap napitou, digali pirat naboitou
Madoi descends along the golden ladder. All look at her joyfully. When she comes, her father orders the family-members to offer a long couch to her. Midai declines to take her seat on the couch. Then, the father ,orders them to offer her drink and meat, of boar cooked. Madai declines to take wine and meat of boar.
Nadektoi ima nadektoi, tambul hathan tangtou e
mohori hathan khalkoro, homaga madoi piga
lomoilu baba lomoilu, lomoilu baba lomoilu
rajaro keirak tulloko, lomoilu baba lomoilu
na kadi karifaba, leipak thipi kariphaba
madoi gidei khamna laloiliye
Then, the father proposes to offer her wine at a place ,covered by seven mosquito-nets, so that Saralel does not see her taking wine. (Madai accepts the proposal. When she is just going to take a sip of wine, Saralel spits from above, and the spit, passing through the seven mosquito-nets, falls upon the wine-pot. Madai understands the matter.) Looking behind, Madai finds that Saralel is lifting the golden ladder. She is greatly shocked, cries loudly, consoles Kari Phaba from below and passes over hills and dales.
Department of Linguistics
3600 Market Street, Suite 501
University of Pennsylvania
Philadelphia, PA 19104-2653
PENN LINGUISTICS SPEAKER SERIES Fall 2003
Held by the Department of Linguistics at the University of Pennsylvania. Co-sponsored by the Institute for Research in Cognitive Science (IRCS) and the Graduate Student Associations Council (GSAC). Open to members of the greater university community.
University of California at Santa Cruz (UCSC)
ENGLISH GRAMMAR: THE CURIOUS CASE OF THE MISSING TWENTIETH CENTURY
University of Delhi, Delhi, India
BISHNUPRIYA AS A CONTACT LANGUAGE
William A. Ladusaw
University of California at Santa Cruz (UCSC)
GETTING BEYOND FUNCTION APPLICATION: RESTRICTION, SATURATION, AND MODIFICATION
University of Delhi, Delhi, India
BISHNUPRIYA AS A CONTACT LANGUAGE
BISHNUPRIYA AS A CONTACT LANGUAGE
This talk is about Bishnupriya language which emerged as a result of contact between Indo Aryan Languages such as Assamese and Bengali and Tibeto Burman languages such as Meitei. The available evidence suggests that Bishnupriya must have emerged as a contact language in Manipur sometime in the late 18th century as a consequence of the spread of Hinduism (in particular, Vaishnavism) in the North Eastern Part of India. Though Bishnupriya emerged as a contact language in Manipur, a majority of the Bishnupriyas are at present located outside Manipur in parts of Assam, Tripura and Bangladesh, where they have come into a secondary contact with local Bengali vernacular.
The ongoing controversy regarding whether or not Bishnupriyas can be allowed to have any claims over Manipuri identity has its roots in the state politics and culture and the superimposed dominant presence of Indic languages, in particular, Bengali and to some extent Assamese that has been perceived as a threat to the very existence of tribal identity and culture in the North East. Thus, while the claim for the use of the term Bishnupriya Manipuri is seen by the Meities as a dilution of their own identity, the Bishnupriyas see it as their legitimate right to create a small but distinct space within the overall Meitei space (regional and cultural). However, the problems of the Bishnupriyas are much more complex precisely for the reasons that they can neither be regarded as Aryans nor as entirely Meitei or Tibeto Burman in general. This is because Bishnupriyas represent ethnically and culturally a mixed group and their language clearly a result of contact between the Tibeto Burman and the Indo Aryan population.
In this talk I intend to present Bishnupriya as a contact language and provide an overview of its major structural and cultural traits. I would also draw a comparison between the structures of the various languages that are involved in the contact and discuss the continuation of the features of the source languages on the one hand and transformations, innovations and changes on the other.
It should be noted taht the people of Manipur comprise both the migrants of East and West who came to Manipur in different periods of history. During the earlier period migrants were in general assimilated and assigned to one or other to the clans, no doubt according to the area in which they settled. There origins were remembered by the terms Nongpok Haram (The Mongoloid migrants from the East, mainly the Shans, Kabaws and Pongs, a little of Chinese and Burmese) and Nongchup Haram (The Dravidian and Aryan migrants from the West, mainly the Bishnupriya’s, the Brahmins etc.). The history of Manipur witnesses the process of racial fusion undermining the geographical features. So the mass people of Manipur is a composite one to which the Mongoloids, Dravidians, Aryans, Pongs, Chinese, Siamese, etc, were contributory.
Also some Linguistic Points shouldn’t be ignored:
a) The relation between the Bishnupriya and Meitei language is well established. The Bishnupriya grammar is also influenced by Meitei
b) Bishnupriya Manipuri language incorporated some features from the languages of hill tribes. Sir G.A. Griersons(LSI Vol-4, p- 419) observation on BPM was the word for ‘bad’ is ‘good-not’ hoba-naya, as in all Kuki-Chin languages. The use of demonstrative pronoun after the noun which it qualifies is also a typical of Kuki. The Suffix of the dative ‘rang’ a Kuki idiom. The form of future that in ng, is taken from Thado Kuki.
c) Bishnupriya language has considerably good number of (more than 4,000) Meitei words. For example: laupuk, mang, matik, marup, ning, nungsi, pang, pham, sing, thungba, yathang etc. The most remarkable feature of Bishnupriya Manipuri Language is that it retained many older phonology of Meitei and also some words of Meitei of archaic and medieval age. It was because the Bishnupriyas left Manipur during the last part of 18th century. Colonel W McCulloch compiled a comparative vocabulary of Meitei and Bishnupriya which in published in 1859.
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